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  My admiration for Ershad has never diminished, not when he no longer had the seat of power, not when he was sentenced to jail. Our relationship has been purely personal. It was never a business association where one calculated gains or risks. When we met, we would discuss ways to create regional synergy and achieve collective progress in South Asia. He always encourages me to become politically active: ‘Your country needs a dynamic leader like you in order to transform itself. We are here to help you in every possible way. I would personally campaign for you. Just say the word.’

  Ershad is altruistic to such an extent that he holds that a true leader should not shy away from even laying down his or her life for the greater good of the nation. It is no wonder that he is among the leaders who have helped shape my world view. If I ever decide to enter the political fray again, I am confident that Ershad would be there to advise me. And I for one would certainly take his advice too. I do not care if he is called a dictator, and some people criticize me for supporting him. Ershad may have been a dictator, but he was a benevolent one—a dictator who stood for the people, for their progress and their prosperity.

  Sri Lankan statesmen

  I first visited Sri Lanka more than three decades ago. Nava Raj Ghimire of Annapurna Travels came up with the suggestion that as the airport in Calcutta was congested and it was very difficult to get enough cargo space for our consignments, we might explore the possibility of trans-shipping our goods from Singapore and other destinations through Sri Lanka. ln those days, planes from Sri Lanka to Nepal were flying with underutilized cargo space. It was a brilliant idea. I left for Sri Lanka shortly afterwards and immediately fell in love with the country. But fate had other ideas for me. The idea of trans-shipping goods through Sri Lanka never became a reality, and I had to wait for many more years until I could return to that beautiful country, during the course of a joint venture with the Taj Group.

  To get to the main point, I came across Tilak de Zoysa, a well-known Sri Lankan entrepreneur or, rather, an intellectual, at an international seminar (CACCI). I was instantly drawn to him. He was of sharp mind, and yet a thorough gentleman. Anybody who talked to him for just a quarter of an hour was likely to be won over, heart and mind. We became good friends. Our friendship grew deeper after my visit to Sri Lanka, where we worked on our joint venture with the Taj Group. We also met at various forums, including the WEF. Tilak became my link to Sri Lankan political and business leaders.

  I met with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe through Prof. G.L. Peiris shortly after the turn of the new millennium. My meeting with Prof. Peiris was arranged by the Bangladeshi ambassador to Sri Lanka, Ashraf-ud-Doula, who was also a veteran of the Bangladeshi war of independence. Ashraf is another person I admire a lot. He lost one of his legs after an injury sustained during the war and walks with the aid of crutches. But he has absolutely no hang-ups about this, and is as confident as any man can be. Although I was a Nepali entrepreneur and he the Bangladeshi ambassador to Sri Lanka, he did not hesitate to introduce me to the Sri Lankan leadership for the mutual benefit of our countries.

  I was impressed with Prof. Peiris, a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, vice chancellor of the Colombo University and a former minister for external affairs. Though I was only an entrepreneur from Nepal, he took no time in taking me to meet the prime minister! This showed how much Prof. Peiris and, as a matter of fact, Wickremasinghe too, cared for their country. Anyway, I became close to both Prof. Peiris and Prime Minister Wickremasinghe over time. Wickremasinghe and Mrs Wickremasinghe even attended my son’s wedding that took place in Goa, together with Prof. Peiris.

  I admired Wickremasinghe also for giving hope to Sri Lanka by sealing a peace deal with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), even though he was prime minister for a comparatively short time, between 2001 and 2004. His line of thought was that the government should try to bring the LTTE into the mainstream to end the festering civil war through negotiations rather than through use of force. He wanted to devolve more power and autonomy to the Tamil-controlled parts of the country, which was why he signed the peace accord with the LTTE. Things started to transform overnight. Japan coordinated an aid group meeting, which pledged assistance of US$55 billion. The Sri Lankan stock exchange gained 300 points immediately. Foreign direct investment (FDI) started to pour in and interest rates and inflation dropped from double digits to single digit. Non-resident Sri Lankans started to return to the country, to also pursue investment. However, within a few years, all hopes of peace and prosperity were dashed when Wickremasinghe was defeated in the elections. The forces that stood to benefit from prolonging the civil war, including the LTTE itself, conspired to defeat him,

  Sri Lanka fell back into a bloody civil war.

  Over the years, I have worked with Ranil Wickremasinghe and Prof. Peiris, sharing with them ideas for addressing the many socio-economic and political problems common to Nepal and Sri Lanka. Prof. Peiris has been very helpful in this regard. I have hardly met a better orator, and even fewer who have his razor-sharp memory. ln a meeting of, say, 150 persons, Prof. Peiris can not only recognize at least 100, but also remember their names and vividly recall conversations and events related to those people from past meetings. He also has an amazing memory for dates, even those concerning events that happened fifty years ago.

  The manner of Wickremasinghe’s defeat and Sri Lanka’s recollapse into war taught me that, despite forces tirelessly working for peace, there are other and sometimes more powerful forces that will go to any lengths to prolong war and unrest for the sake of their own vested interests. Here, I would also like to add emphatically that some countries presenting themselves as champions of human rights and democracy are actually warmongers themselves. While claiming to promote democracy, human rights and the inclusion of marginalized peoples, they foment unrest in different parts of the world. Hence, it would not be an exaggeration to say that for some rich and powerful countries, there are no set standards for democracy and human rights. Standards apply according to convenience.

  The crisis in Sri Lanka was festering as too many groups with vested interests were involved. There were some international lobbyists who would not let Sri Lanka resolve its problems, on the lame pretext of human rights or other issues. ln other words, it was virtually impossible to resolve the problem through negotiated settlement. Sri Lanka required a bold leader to resolve this crisis once and for all. This necessity gave birth to a daring leader such as Mahinda Rajapaksa, who had that courage to eliminate this problem at any cost. So how did he go about it? He placed his most trustworthy people in his core team. He asked one of his brothers, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, to take charge of the defence portfolio. Another major challenge was economic development. He appointed another brother of his, Basil Rajapaksa, to build the economy. He also had other dedicated and talented people such as Prof. Peiris in his team. He then stepped up efforts to solve this problem militarily. The rest is history.

  It was unfortunate that a leader like Rajapaksa could not contain the aspirations of his loyalists and supporters in creating a new dynasty in Sri Lanka. This feeling began to take root quickly, and a new polarization started to take place in the country.

  Otherwise, as Lee Kuan Yew had rightly noted, if there is any country in South Asia that has the potential to become a bigger and better economy than Singapore, it is Sri Lanka. Rajapaksa was so determined to make this happen that he was willing to risk his career and life to settle this festering problem, no matter what. I have seen very few leaders with his courage; he unflinchingly took on a section of the international community comprising some of the most developed and powerful western countries, as well as the media during and after the war.

  It was Prof. Peiris who introduced me to Rajapaksa on one of my business trips to Sri Lanka. Prof. Peiris, by that time, had joined Rajapaksa’s party and had also taken on the position of foreign minister in the government. ‘Come, you must meet our President,’ he told me, just before driving me to the presidential
palace. God knows what he had told Rajapaksa about me, because the President received me as if the entire economy of Sri Lanka hinged on my decision to invest there, as if he were meeting the world’s top businessman. It was his way of expressing gratitude to a foreign entrepreneur—that too, from a country like Nepal—who was willing to invest in Sri Lanka when the local entrepreneurs had all but written off their own country. ‘Sri Lanka is indebted to you. We can never repay what you have done for Sri Lanka. As long as we are here, we will do everything possible to support you,’ he told me. He still says this to me whenever we meet. This is how he won my heart, and more of my investment! We have already invested in eighteen hotels in different parts of Sri Lanka and are having discussions with the authorities to obtain necessary approvals for the construction of a big cement plant as well. We have the blessings of the new government for this project, which will reduce the import of cement into the country and save approximately US$400 million per annum, in foreign exchange.

  There has been a ruckus over human right issues in Sri Lanka. The United Nations itself has joined the chorus. An embargo has been imposed on the country. India, under pressure from Tamil politicians, voted against Sri Lanka in Geneva. As a friend of Sri Lanka, we have lobbied in a very big way in India against any move aimed at hurting the island nation.

  What the wider world is overlooking is that Sri Lankan leaders had little option but to seek a military solution to the civil war, given that attempts to put in place a negotiated peace settlement had led to the downfall of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe. We should also not forget that the LTTE supremo Prabhakaran had consciously resorted to the tactic of using human shields to protect himself. Innocent people were bound to be killed because of this strategy. Also, were the LTTE rebels not responsible for killing innocent people in Sri Lanka? Was it really human rights abuse on the part of Rajapaksa to try to eliminate the problem for good instead of letting the bloodbath go on year after year? After friends of Sri Lanka like us lobbied the Indian authorities on behalf of Sri Lanka, the second round of voting in Geneva did not see India voting against Sri Lanka. I have also worked with various media groups to counter propaganda against Sri Lanka.

  I have recently addressed the House of Lords in the United Kingdom in favour of Sri Lanka. I told them that though I am not a Sri Lankan, I have witnessed Sri Lanka when it was deeply disturbed by what some call ‘insurgency’ and others, ‘terrorism’. ‘My job is not to interpret what is right or what is wrong. I certainly have a job to talk about what I have seen. Sri Lanka had sunk to such a level that nobody wanted to go and live there, forget do business. It had become practically difficult for the Sri Lankans themselves to stay and do business there. I have also seen how things have shaped up over the recent years. Hence, those who stand for sustainable peace, those who stand for prosperity and a congenial environment for people to live in and do business, should support Sri Lanka.’ My speech surprised the British lawmakers. But what I told them had to do with my conviction—it was not a move to appease the Sri Lankans.

  Having witnessed how international opinion is divided on the matter of insurgency—some supporting it, others supporting those who are trying to contain it, and still others rooting for democracy—l have often said that it is unreasonable to keep hostage a country and its people at large. Sanctions and embargos on trouble-ridden countries have often made the lives of their ordinary people, who have little to do with politics, very difficult.

  ln 2013, I was invited by the Government of Sri Lanka to speak at the Commonwealth Business Forum held in Colombo in conjunction with the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting. I spoke eloquently, largely on the theme of regional cooperation, receiving thunderous applause from the representatives of more than sixty countries. Rahul Bajaj was moderator at the forum, and the chief executive officer of lnfosys, Rajesh Krishnamurthy, was among the business leaders who took part.

  Call it my destiny or my nature, but I become deeply absorbed in the affairs of any country in which I invest. I become passionately interested in its politics, its society and its economy; what is more, I become emotionally involved too. I start to ‘own’ the problems and prospects of that country and become its passionate advocate. That is probably the reason leaders of these countries start to reciprocate my goodwill.

  The polarization against Rajapaksa, which started taking place in the country in the latter part of 2013, gathered momentum with his decision to contest a third term and the announcement of snap elections. Civil society leaders, human rights activities and trade unions rallied round to form a common front. They proposed a joint opposition to Rajapaksa, and fielded a common candidate, which resulted in Maithripala Sirisena contesting the presidential elections and being elected President in January 2015.

  With the formation of a ‘national government’ under the leadership of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremasinghe, the prospects of a permanent solution to the north-east conflict has become a reality and Sri Lanka is beginning to earn the confidence of the international community. This is a positive development, which augurs well for Sri Lanka, in its endeavour to become a developed country and achieve a more stable and stronger economy. Premier Wickremasinghe has always demonstrated his willingness to go that extra mile in order to improve relations with neighbouring countries, and his magnanimity was quite evident during the aftermath of the earthquake in Nepal.

  He met me in his office, summoned all the senior officials, including the army commander and made arrangements to provide relief and other assistance to Nepal immediately. It was heart-warming to see the spontaneous cooperation and support forthcoming from the prime minister, as a true friend of Nepal.

  I am happy that, despite all odds, the Sri Lankan economy has been transforming over the recent years. FDI is improving, and tourism is growing meteorically. Today Sri Lanka’s per capita income stands at US$4000. If you can be totally dispassionate, you will realize that what has been happening in Sri Lanka over the recent years is a transformation under its courageous and visionary leaders who have the courage to pursue the long-term interests of the country at the cost of paying a huge short-term price.

  Narendra Modi

  In 2011, the FICCI invited me to be a guest speaker at one of its programmes in Gandhinagar, the state capital of Gujarat in India. Narendra Modi, then chief minister of Gujarat, was the chief guest. All the FICCI executives were present. They introduced me to Modi as the president of CNI and a representative of Nepal’s business community. That was the first time I met Modi. He had carved out a global reputation for Gujarat as a distinctive part of India, the way the Government of Kerala had for that state in tourism. Modi’s Vibrant Gujarat campaign has achieved miracles.

  As the guest speaker, I talked about India–Nepal relations, both the opportunities and the challenges, from the perspective of a businessman. I said that Nepal was waiting for a leader like Modi to take the country to a completely new level, based on its tremendous natural resources. The idea was to spark Modi’s interest to turn his attention towards Nepal. To motivate him further, I also spoke with emphasis on the deep-rooted cultural and religious ties between the two immediate neighbours. I went on to urge Modi to play a role in transforming Nepal into a prosperous country. At the forum itself, I invited him to Nepal to attend a conference being organized by the CNI. I could see that what I had said had struck a chord with Modi. As soon as I concluded my speech and sat down beside him, he said, ‘Now that you have invited me to Nepal, I shall definitely come.’

  The story of Jeet Bahadur

  ‘But you have to do me a favour,’ he added. I was somewhat taken aback, but assured him I would do whatever was possible to help a great leader like himself.

  ‘There is a Nepali boy by the name of Jeet Bahadur whom I’ve raised,’ he said. ‘He’s like a son to me. He has been separated from his parents since he came to India as a child. I want you to find them for me.’

  ‘You’re such an influenti
al politician and the chief minister of Gujarat. Why don’t you use the formal government channels? They will find them in no time,’ I replied.

  ‘No,’ said Modi. ‘The government cannot accomplish this. Only someone like you can help me.’

  I presumed he had already tried to find the boy’s parents using the formal channels but with no success.

  ‘Of course, sir,’ I said. However, he gave me no further details, and I did not ask for any either. I did not take his request too seriously.

  I then went to Delhi for an engagement before flying back to Kathmandu. I thought the first thing I would do was to send a formal invitation to Modi on behalf of the CNI. However, when I checked my email, I was surprised to see that Modi had not only formally accepted my invitation to visit Nepal but had also again sought my assistance in tracing Jeet Bahadur Magar’s family. This time, he had provided all available information about the boy and his family. I immediately embarked on the search.

  There were three useful facts we knew about Jeet: his father’s name, his village name, which Jeet remembered as ‘Kawasaki’ (though the actual village turned out to be Giribari, which is a little distance away from a village called Kawasoti), and that the boy had six toes on one foot.